The State Criminal and the Path to the State Criminal
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작성자 최고관리자 댓글 0건 조회 103회 작성일 25-11-16 14:12본문
The State Criminal and the Path to the State Criminal
Dr. Son, Gi-Woong
President, Korea Institute for Peace and Cooperation
Ex-President, Korea Institute for National Unification
https://www.dailian.co.kr/news/view/1571921/
(in korean)
Yoon Suk-yeol is a criminal against the state. He falls under the category of “illegal acts committed by infringing upon the state or state power, or persons who have committed such acts” due to the declaration of martial law.
He has committed serious crimes and deserves impeachment. However, whether he is guilty of the ongoing crime of rebellion is a matter of legal judgment, and there is considerable room for debate.
President Lee Jae-myung is a petty criminal. He falls under the category of “a variety of minor crimes other than political crimes, or persons who have committed such crimes.” Most of the crimes for which he has already been convicted, as well as the charges currently pending in court, fall under the category of petty criminals.
However, fortunately or unfortunately, Lee Jae-myung, his government, and the Democratic Party of Korea are heading down the path of a state crime. They are enacting a law to eliminate legal prosecution against Lee Jae-myung, attempting to humiliate Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, intimidate the Supreme Court, and neutralize it by increasing the number of justices or creating a de facto four-tier system.
The Office of the President urged restraint on the Democratic Party, which is pushing to revise the Criminal Procedure Act to suspend trials against president while in office, stating, “The President believes that a law requiring a suspension of trials is unnecessary.”
While Lee Jae-myung was pretending to walk the right path, as if he refused any political favors or legal exceptions, a truly brilliant move that catches people off guard was made. The prosecution dropped its appeal in the Daejang-dong private development scandal involving Lee Jae-myung.
How many citizens would believe this was the result of sole pressure from Justice Minister Jeong Seong-ho? The claim that Lee Jae-myung had nothing to do with this is no different from the claims made by the National Security Office Director and the National Intelligence Service Director during the Moon Jae-in administration that the forced repatriation of North Korean fishermen and the murder of a official in the West Sea had nothing to do with Moon Jae-in.
While warming the public with various support programs like livelihood support payments, livelihood recovery subsidies, and debt forgiveness, Lee Jae-myung, his government and the Democratic Party have paralyzed criticism and diverted attention from the political situation, while using all their talents to unleash their various intrigues.
They brazenly seize upon the very things they once vehemently criticized as unnecessary to Yoon Suk-yeol and his administration, claiming they are absolutely essential. They dismantle and reassemble institutions to expel those they dislike, and publicly humiliate those they dislike.
Their every maneuver is a dance under the banner of ‘liquidating internal rebellion.’ They are cutting even deeper, more chillingly than Moon Jae-in’s ‘eliminating deep-rooted evils.’ The battle lines are expanding from public servants to public corporations, and the blacklist is likely already in operation.
The more problems there are with Lee Jae-myung, his government personnel, and the Democratic Party, the more these issues surface, and the more intense the ‘drive to liquidate the internal rebellion’ will become. Their supporters, including pro-press and broadcasters, will bang the drum and blow the whistle even harder.
When the Seoul Central District Prosecutors’ Office’s decision to abandon the Daejang-dong case at midnight on Friday, November 7th sparked a major controversy, Lee Jae-myung, his government, and the Democratic Party quickly covered it up with the so-called ‘Constitutional Respect and Government Innovation Task Force’ on Tuesday, November 11th, fanning the flames even further.
Prime Minister Kim Min-Seok announced the formation of a task force to investigate 49 central administrative agencies for their involvement in the December 3rd martial law incident, and Lee Jae-myung responded by saying, “The task of clearing up the rebellion should be conducted independently, rather than relying solely on a special prosecutor.”
Kim Min-Suk stated that the task force’s operation was intended to establish the government’s “will to protect the Constitution” and to promptly resolve and restore internal conflict within the public sector.
The Democratic Party leader Chung Cheong-rae also asserted that “Criminals of rebellion must be rooted out with the maximum sentence,” and “Those who still sympathize with or advocate rebellion must be punished with the principle of zero tolerance.”
When Lee Jae-myung, his government, and the Democratic Party raised the banner of ‘eliminating rebellion,’ they emphasized respect for and protection of the Constitution. Naturally, this should be the Constitution of the Republic of Korea, and the standard for judgment should be whether the constitutional free and democratic order of the Republic of Korea has been destroyed or disrupted.
The crime of rebellion must be severely punished. What the people of the Republic of Korea must be vigilant about is whether Lee Jae-myung, his government, and the Democratic Party are fundamentally qualified to speak of respecting and protecting the Constitution, or to advocate for the elimination of rebellion.
As I have repeatedly pointed out and emphasized, the Democratic Party’s platform does not embody either ‘the basic free and democratic order’ or ‘unification.’ A political party that lacks free and democratic order, as stipulated in the Constitution as the ideological orientation of the Republic of Korea, and unification, as the duty of the state, people, president, and National Assembly, is an ‘unconstitutional’ political organization.
It is the Democratic Party’s obligation, in accordance with its platform, for politicians belonging to the party to speak of coexistence between the two countries, not of free and democratic unification. This is not an impulsive act by Moon Jae-in, Lee Jae-myung, Chung Dong-young, and Lim Jong-Seok, but rather a natural course of action as members of the Democratic Party.
What is the constitutional order of the Republic of Korea that anti-constitutional politicians accuse of treason and seek to protect through law? Those who do not respect free and democratic order and free and democratic unification, on what basis do they accuse the people of the Republic of Korea of destroying the constitutional order, excluding and cutting them off, and attempting to restrict their freedom?
If Lee Jae-myung, his government, and the Democratic Party want to talk about respecting the Constitution of the Republic of Korea and protecting the constitutional order, they must first change their party platform. They must explicitly espouse free and democratic order and free and democratic unification.
If they don’t, the sword dance of liquidating the internal rebellion will only confuse and darken the course of the Republic of Korea. They are treasonous criminals. It makes ideological suspicions about them unstoppable. The same goes for the Rebuilding Korea Party.
Lee Jae-myung, his government, and the Democratic Party are brazenly pressuring President, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, ministers, and National Assembly members to do whatever they want. After enjoying the benefits of liquidating the internal rebellion, the next target will be people outside their own faction. People may be warming themselves in the warm waters of the government subsidies, but they must not forget that the situation could soon boil over and they will be powerless.
Everything is done under the guise of legality. The various schemes that disrupted the Yoon Suk-yeol administration were all clever and petty exploits of the Republic of Korea’s free and democratic laws. That’s how Hitler emerged.
Yoon Suk-yeol, a state criminal, may be judged differently by history depending on the circumstances. He was judged for shaking the constitutional free and democratic order, claiming to be working to establish a free and democratic Republic of Korea. However, given the unconstitutional values of Lee Jae-myung, his government, and the Democratic Party, and their actions that violate the constitutional free and democratic order, the method of declaring martial law was wrong, but history and the public can re-evaluate Yoon Suk-yeol’s purpose and intentions.
Dr. Son, Gi-Woong
President, Korea Institute for Peace and Cooperation
Ex-President, Korea Institute for National Unification
https://www.dailian.co.kr/news/view/1571921/
(in korean)
Yoon Suk-yeol is a criminal against the state. He falls under the category of “illegal acts committed by infringing upon the state or state power, or persons who have committed such acts” due to the declaration of martial law.
He has committed serious crimes and deserves impeachment. However, whether he is guilty of the ongoing crime of rebellion is a matter of legal judgment, and there is considerable room for debate.
President Lee Jae-myung is a petty criminal. He falls under the category of “a variety of minor crimes other than political crimes, or persons who have committed such crimes.” Most of the crimes for which he has already been convicted, as well as the charges currently pending in court, fall under the category of petty criminals.
However, fortunately or unfortunately, Lee Jae-myung, his government, and the Democratic Party of Korea are heading down the path of a state crime. They are enacting a law to eliminate legal prosecution against Lee Jae-myung, attempting to humiliate Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, intimidate the Supreme Court, and neutralize it by increasing the number of justices or creating a de facto four-tier system.
The Office of the President urged restraint on the Democratic Party, which is pushing to revise the Criminal Procedure Act to suspend trials against president while in office, stating, “The President believes that a law requiring a suspension of trials is unnecessary.”
While Lee Jae-myung was pretending to walk the right path, as if he refused any political favors or legal exceptions, a truly brilliant move that catches people off guard was made. The prosecution dropped its appeal in the Daejang-dong private development scandal involving Lee Jae-myung.
How many citizens would believe this was the result of sole pressure from Justice Minister Jeong Seong-ho? The claim that Lee Jae-myung had nothing to do with this is no different from the claims made by the National Security Office Director and the National Intelligence Service Director during the Moon Jae-in administration that the forced repatriation of North Korean fishermen and the murder of a official in the West Sea had nothing to do with Moon Jae-in.
While warming the public with various support programs like livelihood support payments, livelihood recovery subsidies, and debt forgiveness, Lee Jae-myung, his government and the Democratic Party have paralyzed criticism and diverted attention from the political situation, while using all their talents to unleash their various intrigues.
They brazenly seize upon the very things they once vehemently criticized as unnecessary to Yoon Suk-yeol and his administration, claiming they are absolutely essential. They dismantle and reassemble institutions to expel those they dislike, and publicly humiliate those they dislike.
Their every maneuver is a dance under the banner of ‘liquidating internal rebellion.’ They are cutting even deeper, more chillingly than Moon Jae-in’s ‘eliminating deep-rooted evils.’ The battle lines are expanding from public servants to public corporations, and the blacklist is likely already in operation.
The more problems there are with Lee Jae-myung, his government personnel, and the Democratic Party, the more these issues surface, and the more intense the ‘drive to liquidate the internal rebellion’ will become. Their supporters, including pro-press and broadcasters, will bang the drum and blow the whistle even harder.
When the Seoul Central District Prosecutors’ Office’s decision to abandon the Daejang-dong case at midnight on Friday, November 7th sparked a major controversy, Lee Jae-myung, his government, and the Democratic Party quickly covered it up with the so-called ‘Constitutional Respect and Government Innovation Task Force’ on Tuesday, November 11th, fanning the flames even further.
Prime Minister Kim Min-Seok announced the formation of a task force to investigate 49 central administrative agencies for their involvement in the December 3rd martial law incident, and Lee Jae-myung responded by saying, “The task of clearing up the rebellion should be conducted independently, rather than relying solely on a special prosecutor.”
Kim Min-Suk stated that the task force’s operation was intended to establish the government’s “will to protect the Constitution” and to promptly resolve and restore internal conflict within the public sector.
The Democratic Party leader Chung Cheong-rae also asserted that “Criminals of rebellion must be rooted out with the maximum sentence,” and “Those who still sympathize with or advocate rebellion must be punished with the principle of zero tolerance.”
When Lee Jae-myung, his government, and the Democratic Party raised the banner of ‘eliminating rebellion,’ they emphasized respect for and protection of the Constitution. Naturally, this should be the Constitution of the Republic of Korea, and the standard for judgment should be whether the constitutional free and democratic order of the Republic of Korea has been destroyed or disrupted.
The crime of rebellion must be severely punished. What the people of the Republic of Korea must be vigilant about is whether Lee Jae-myung, his government, and the Democratic Party are fundamentally qualified to speak of respecting and protecting the Constitution, or to advocate for the elimination of rebellion.
As I have repeatedly pointed out and emphasized, the Democratic Party’s platform does not embody either ‘the basic free and democratic order’ or ‘unification.’ A political party that lacks free and democratic order, as stipulated in the Constitution as the ideological orientation of the Republic of Korea, and unification, as the duty of the state, people, president, and National Assembly, is an ‘unconstitutional’ political organization.
It is the Democratic Party’s obligation, in accordance with its platform, for politicians belonging to the party to speak of coexistence between the two countries, not of free and democratic unification. This is not an impulsive act by Moon Jae-in, Lee Jae-myung, Chung Dong-young, and Lim Jong-Seok, but rather a natural course of action as members of the Democratic Party.
What is the constitutional order of the Republic of Korea that anti-constitutional politicians accuse of treason and seek to protect through law? Those who do not respect free and democratic order and free and democratic unification, on what basis do they accuse the people of the Republic of Korea of destroying the constitutional order, excluding and cutting them off, and attempting to restrict their freedom?
If Lee Jae-myung, his government, and the Democratic Party want to talk about respecting the Constitution of the Republic of Korea and protecting the constitutional order, they must first change their party platform. They must explicitly espouse free and democratic order and free and democratic unification.
If they don’t, the sword dance of liquidating the internal rebellion will only confuse and darken the course of the Republic of Korea. They are treasonous criminals. It makes ideological suspicions about them unstoppable. The same goes for the Rebuilding Korea Party.
Lee Jae-myung, his government, and the Democratic Party are brazenly pressuring President, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, ministers, and National Assembly members to do whatever they want. After enjoying the benefits of liquidating the internal rebellion, the next target will be people outside their own faction. People may be warming themselves in the warm waters of the government subsidies, but they must not forget that the situation could soon boil over and they will be powerless.
Everything is done under the guise of legality. The various schemes that disrupted the Yoon Suk-yeol administration were all clever and petty exploits of the Republic of Korea’s free and democratic laws. That’s how Hitler emerged.
Yoon Suk-yeol, a state criminal, may be judged differently by history depending on the circumstances. He was judged for shaking the constitutional free and democratic order, claiming to be working to establish a free and democratic Republic of Korea. However, given the unconstitutional values of Lee Jae-myung, his government, and the Democratic Party, and their actions that violate the constitutional free and democratic order, the method of declaring martial law was wrong, but history and the public can re-evaluate Yoon Suk-yeol’s purpose and intentions.
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